TO WHAT EXTENT DOES "19" MAGAZINE OFFER MESSAGES THAT PROMOTE BODY MAINTENEANCE CONSUMERISM?
GENRE
In this essay I intend to examine areas of representation in "19" magazine and to explore the ways in which the magazine promotes body maintenance consumerism through its repeated constructions of an aspirational, "ideal" woman.
"19" magazine falls into the "teenage girl" magazine genre. It attracts its audience; women aged fifteen to twenty four, by using the common codes, conventions and generic signifiers of this genre, such as the glossy front cover and articles themed around fashion and beauty. (See Appendix 1)
This works because the audiences familiar with the generic codes and knows what to expect.
Genre is important to the magazine institution. It breaks down the vast choice for the readers, as they have some idea of what they are looking for before even entering the shop. It lets them know what to expect and they can tell they have found the type of magazine they want just by looking at the front page. The magazine institution that produces "19", IPC Media, benefits from generic formulas because they know they work and the audiences are happy because of the convenience, expectations and security generic formulas offer.
Although magazines from the same genre are similar it is also important to have some variation, some differences. The genre that "19" belongs to has quite a lot of competition as there is quite a large market for teenage magazines, so it is especially important that "19" has some originality, while at the same time not changing its winning formula too much.
"19" would appeal to middleclass, white, young women, as they might relate to the beautiful cover girl, and also to the magazines features, such as real life stories, beauty and fashion articles, quizzes, celebrity gossip and problem pages.
"19" addresses its audience like many other teenage magazines. Its layouts are colourful, loud and brassy, and it has bites sized articles making it "pick up and put downable". It talks to its readers using Americanisms, abbreviations and words that are in fashion such as "cool", "babe" and "wow!". It directly addresses its audience, by using rhetorical questions, calling the reader "you" and giving the reader a feeling of inclusion with other women by using phrases such as "us girlies". The language has a chatty, bouncy tone, "to finish the look, just nab your very own rock star!", which emphasises the common "this magazine is your friend" feeling, that you find with most teenage magazines. The price of £2.10 reinforces the type of audience this magazine is aimed at, its expensive compared to magazines like "Chat!" but the fact that it costs slightly more goes with the glossy, expensive lifestyle the magazine is trying to sell.
"19" is published by the IPC Southbank publishing company, who also produce magazines such as "Marie Claire", "Woman" and "Woman's Own", In order to study "19" magazine successfully we must also put it into context by realising that "19" is only a small part of the teenage magazine genre. "19" sells its audience to a range of advertisers, advertising beauty products, fashion items, mobile phones, career advice groups and government campaigns.(See Appendix 2)There are many titles such as "Bliss". "Sugar", J17", "More", "Glamour" and "B" who are competing for the same audience.
REPRESENTATION AND IDEOLOGY
“19” constructs the “woman's world” in such a way that it positions its readers in a perfect place to buy into body maintenance consumerism. It offers its readers
aspirational templates and plays on their insecurities before telling them how they can improve themselves and became closer to the “ideal woman”. The whole magazine is full of what product readers can buy, in order to look better, and apparently, therefore be
much happier.
The models found in “19” seem to all share the same characteristics. The images supposedly representing the magazine's audience in “19” are conventionally beautiful; white, immaculately coated in make up, aged fourteen to twenty, middle class and appear not to be above a size eight. According to the types of articles and discourse found in “19” this “ideal” woman's top priority is her appearance; she is always keeping up with the latest fashions, hairstyles, make up and celebrity looks.
Throughout the magazine these models are a large focus on “19”'s idea of what it is to be female. The facial expressions of the models connote to the reader a woman who is docile and clueless, the “sexy” pout is an expression repeated many times, telling the reader that “19” magazine is a step up from the smiley, cheeky “girlie” lifestyle other
magazines are trying to sell, instead showing them a more glamorous sophisticated world. The models pose in completely unnatural ways, perhaps suggesting the “no pain, no gain” part of what it is to be beautiful. A lot of the photographs in this magazine show models on plain, coloured backgrounds showing the appearance of the “ideal woman” to be the most important focus of the readers attention.
The text and photographs found in “19” also seem to emphasise a woman's appearance. By putting a large accent on an image “19” magazine eclipses other parts of femininity. There is nothing in “19” to suggest that intelligence is important. The language is simple, the articles relatively small and the topics of debate limited to the superficial and shallow, such as " The #1 sex trick" and " How to look cool when you've been stood up". There is no mention of politics, education, careers or environmental issues. Although I realise that “19” is supposed to be read as a form of escapism and relaxation there is no reason why subject matter, other than that of appearance or men, could not have a place in magazines like "19". They have chosen to construct the life of a "19" reader as having an entirely looks orientated agenda.
“19” breaks down the female body into parts to be looked after and maintained. By fragmenting the body in this way “19” is helping the cosmetic and fashion industries to sell products. In one issue they had a “Hair special”, advertising “the hottest hair products on the high street”, from which the reader could buy the “best”, conditioners, hairsprays, mousses, serums, shampoos, hair masks, curl developers, smoothing milks, waxes, relaxers, gels and straightners for everything that might be wrong their hair, such as needing it smoother, curlier, fuller, thicker, softer, straighter or wavier and that “needs” correcting, shaping, moisturising, protecting and repairing.
The advertising in “19” fits with the editorials and photographs of the magazine. If the
readers feel insecure about their appearances, the adverts are there selling beauty and fashion products, offering them relatively cheap ways to improve their looks. (See Appendix 3) Occasionally there might be an article that contradicts “19”'s body maintenance ideology such as an article in last Octobers issue called “Could you live without your beauty routine?”. Of course, the answer was no!!!
This brings up the question of why we are, supposedly, constantly striving towards this ideal. The “ideal woman” is everything the reader wants to be and what they are told they should be but whom are they trying to improve themselves for? The pouting, passive look of the models in sometimes-skimpy outfits would suggest that they are posing for a missing male gaze. This idea is reinforced by the fact that photographic representations of men in “19”, (other than celebrities and pop stars), show men in the status of boyfriend or lover. (See Appendix 5 and 6)There is nothing to suggest a man being in any role in a young woman's life, apart from that of a sexual partner.
This need to be admired, adored and loved by men is further anchored by "19"'s features and articles, such as " What men really think of your body hair", "What your barnet says about your sex-style", "How to get your crush to notice you" and "You…only sexier". The last title heads an article pieced together after surveying one hundred men in order to find out what make up, body parts and hairstyles "turn men on".
"19" has constructed a common "ideal" that its audience will be able to identify with. By giving them mythic pleasurable feminine traits, "19" has helped to give them a common goal of perfection, which could serve to help them define and feel part of their gender group. This is summed up below in a quote from McCracken;
" If women, at the magazines urging, experience sometimes real and sometimes utopian sense of community while reading these texts, confident of participating in normal, expected feminine culture, they are at the same time learning consumerist competitiveness and refined individualism."
When we apply Dyer's second notion of representation; typicality, we find that "19"'s construction of the "woman's world is far from reality. "19" magazine lacks "ordinary" people. There is none of the diversity of life reflected within its pages. There are no representations of black, Asian, Afro Caribbean, (See Appendix 4), gay or bi-sexual women or models above a size eight. Neither is this magazine aimed at women who can't afford to buy into this "woman's world". This mis-representation means that "19" doesn't really cater for anyone who doesn't define themselves in relation to the ideal; in other words if you are not like the ideal or striving towards its degree of perfection, there might be something wrong with you and you are certainly going to feel excluded from the "19" club.
“19” deliberately forces its audience into a position of inferiority. They are not and never will be this “perfect” woman because she doesn't exist outside the magazine. The
magazine plays on its readers' insecurities and then offers to help in the shape of
products. They sell the idea that if you improve yourself you can become more like this
mythic ideal and therefore be happier.
Notions of lifestyle and culture link representation to ideology, as they are formed by values, beliefs and attitudes. The dominant ideology found in "19" magazine promotes self adornment and body maintenance consumerism. Representations of women in "19" construct women on the basis that they will be judged almost solely by their appearances.
The constructed ideology of the “woman's world” and what it means to be a woman in “19” magazine is just a selling point for body maintenance consumerism. Although it is
important for magazines to get money from advertising it is wrong to do so at the customers expense. People may decode this magazine in different ways and derive
slightly different messages from it, but “19” still controls the ideological myths from which these messages stem and therefore encodes femininity as a mindless obsession
with self-presentation. It's symbiotic relationship with the advertisers to whom it sells its niche audience means that it will never dissent from its impossible and consumerist mantra; "stay young and beautiful if you want to be loved".
AUDIENCE
After discussing the messages "19" offers its audiences it is necessary to look at how the audiences might deal with these messages. In his "Mass Communications Theory" McQuail recognises audiences in two ways; either in response to the piece of media or where the product corresponds to an existing social group or category.
The experience of reading magazines can vary according to the time, location, and the attitude and beliefs of the individual reader. Therefore the messages, connotations and conclusions drawn from "19" are ultimately a product of a reader's negotiated response. "19" magazine's audiences are active consumers. Ien Ang puts it this way;
" audiencehood is becoming an ever more multifaceted, fragmented and diversified repertoire of practices and experiences."
Magazines can be literally read in an assorted number of ways. The material can be skimmed and flicked through instead of reading the magazine from front to back. Feature articles advertised on the front cover, horoscopes and the "Oh the shame", (embarrassing stories), are perhaps often turned to first. Some people pick it up, read short articles and put it down or keep a collection to re-read at later dates when messages gathered from the discourse may have changed.
Sometimes the magazine may be read in groups of young women, which may lead them to gain feelings of social solidarity. In my mini research I found that when teenage magazines are read in this way, they are not often taken seriously; the problems from the problem pages are laughed at and the horoscopes lead to trivial converse about what they might mean. However the magazine also serves as a prompt for reflection and discussion about related topics. I also found that many of "19"'s audience were below the age targeted at by the advertisers and perhaps use it to look at who they might become in the future.
If there is someone reading this material, either in a group or reading alone, who isn't represented in "19"'s idea of what it is to be a "young woman in the 21st century", they
may feel left out. By giving women aspirational templates "19" is telling women what they should look, behave and be like. As an example of some invisible categories,
"19" leaves out black, Asian, African, afro-Caribbean and disabled people, as well as people whose sexual orientation is not straight. (See Appendix)
However people read "19" because they find pleasures through different ways. Audiences are not passively injected with messages and ideologies as the "Hypodermic Needle Theory "suggests. The audience is more likely active, they use "19" to satisfy certain needs. Some people might read "19" to escape from everyday worries, or to gain the latest fashion news, or to find feelings of security after finding that others are going through similar predicaments and emotions as themselves. This is an example of "Uses and Gratifications" theory.
We must also bear in mind that as people change over time, so do their needs. The fact that audiences are transitory means that "19" magazine will only be part of its readers' lives' for as long as the material is relevant to them and this again limits "19"s influence.
Audiences are active in what they choose to take from the magazine. They make constant negotiations with the material they are given, sometimes agreeing, sometimes disagreeing with what they read.
While women may read "19" as a form of pleasure, entertainment and escapism it also helps them develop a notion of their social behaviour and their relationships with others. It is supposed to be a reflection of young women but it is distorting the "real woman" by the circumscribed, limited discourse it offers its readers.
CONCLUSION
Ultimately we can't be sure whether reading "19" magazine has a direct effect on it's audience or not. "19" is only one strand of many in the market of teenage women's magazines, as well as many other influential aspects of the readers lives. However there are facts that indicate that magazines like "19" have persuasive, pro-capitalist effects on their readers. Cosmetic industries continue to grow and make higher profits every year. Places that treat young women for emotional disorders, such as Body Dysmorphic Disorder, Anorexia and Bulimia, (See Appendix 7 and 8), ban image orientated magazines like "19", proving that doctors believe them to be a source of women's insecurities. The most damaging facet of body maintenance consumerism is that it naturalises the perpetual maintenance of one's body; that despite constantly striving towards this "ideal" the goal itself is unreachable; this "perfect" woman doesn't exist. Rosalind Coward sums it up by saying;
" This fragmented sense of self is likely to be the foundation for an entirely masochist or punitive relationship with one's own body".
Sarah Whaites
